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Letter to U.S. President George W. Bush
re: Summit with President of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov
(New York, March 5, 2002) President George W. Bush
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW
Washington, DC

Dear President Bush:

Your March 12 meeting with Uzbek President Islam Karimov will test your State of the Union pledge to "stand firm for the non-negotiable demands of human dignity" as part of the war on terrorism. Uzbekistan has been an ally in the war. But it is also a country barely distinguishable from its Soviet past -a place where the government's opponents are "purged," jailed, or driven into exile, where the authorities hold Stalin-style public denunciations of so-called "enemies of the state," where people are persecuted for practicing their faith, and where dissidents are put in psychiatric institutions for criticizing those in power.


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"The Uzbek government continues to reject your administration's argument that human rights, an open political system, and the rule of law offer the best hope for long-term stability. President Karimov is still testing to see what concessions he can get in exchange for no real progress. He is still probing the limits of his partners' tolerance-and that of his own people."


 
The State Department's human rights report vividly describes the government's campaign of arrest, torture, and imprisonment of independent Muslims, its censorship of the media, and its intolerance of political opposition. Your administration has rightly recognized that these abuses are more than an affront to democratic values. They cause resentment among the people of Uzbekistan, while denying them peaceful outlets for expressing dissent. They drive political opposition underground, fueling support for extremist groups and fostering instability. The benefits of Uzbek cooperation must be weighed against the damage these policies do.

We appreciate your administration's efforts to make these points clear to Uzbek officials. Sustained diplomatic pressure has produced important results, including today's registration of the Independent Human Rights Organization of Uzbekistan by Uzbek authorities. Yet the Uzbek government continues to reject your administration's argument that human rights, an open political system, and the rule of law offer the best hope for long-term stability. President Karimov is still testing to see what concessions he can get in exchange for no real progress. He is still probing the limits of his partners' tolerance-and that of his own people.

Persecution of independent Muslims continues, with trials in February and March in Tashkent and Ferghana City. Police remain unrelenting in their use of torture against those in custody, including women and children. Increasing numbers of prisoners are dying from torture and disease in custody.

Family members of religious and political prisoners are still regularly harassed, beaten and arrested-as are journalists who publish articles unfavorable to the government. Former members of independent political parties must still sign monthly statements pledging not to participate in unauthorized activities. We welcome news that a number of religious and political prisoners have been amnestied in recent weeks. But we have received many reports that to be eligible for the amnesty, prisoners must sign apologies renouncing their convictions and their faith. Those who refuse to sign have been subject to increased torture and retaliatory punishment.

We understand that unprecedented levels of U.S. assistance to Uzbekistan aim to strengthen Uzbekistan's fledgling civil society. But no amount of assistance can ameliorate these conditions until the government shows the political will to stop abuses and to allow independent organizations to function openly.

That is why we hope you will use your meeting with President Karimov to urge specific steps forward. We hope you will urge the registration of Uzbekistan's remaining domestic human rights groups and independent political parties; the reform of laws used to persecute independent Muslims and political dissidents; access for U.N. human rights monitors; and the release of political and religious prisoners. We hope you will find a way to emphasize these benchmarks publicly as well, since President Karimov will otherwise be able to portray the meeting to the world as a vote of confidence in his policies.

Most important, we hope you will stress to President Karimov that the level and nature of U.S. engagement with Uzbekistan will be linked to progress on these benchmarks, just as U.S. engagement is already linked to Uzbekistan's cooperation in the war. Uzbekistan will not be a good partner on any issue if it believes it can repeatedly rebuff legitimate concerns your administration has raised without cost to its relationship with the United States.

U.S. assistance, no matter how well motivated, will send the wrong message to both the Uzbek government and people if it is provided unconditionally. The same will be true of U.S. decisions about its military presence on Uzbek soil. If President Karimov believes he can have the security relationship he seeks without political change, then he will have no reason to risk greater openness. Instead, America will assume all the risk - the risk that comes with becoming associated with his regime in the eyes of the Uzbek people and the broader Muslim community.

The time to exert pressure is now. Uzbekistan benefited enormously from U.S. actions in Afghanistan. President Karimov will benefit personally from his visit to Washington. His government is eager to secure a permanent economic and military partnership with the United States. The United States has influence and leverage in the region today that it did not have before the war, and that it may not have a few years hence. We urge you to use it to promote human rights and the rule of law - for the sake of the people of Uzbekistan and to advance the cause of stability and security for everyone.

Please accept our best wishes for a productive summit.


Sincerely,


Elizabeth Andersen,
Executive Director, Europe and Central Asia Division

Tom Malinowski
Washington Advocate

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